Yemanjá Festival


This beautiful festival dedicated to the Goddess of the Ocean is celebrated every year on February 2nd. At dawn the area around the Rio Vermelho beach is lit up with fireworks. Shortly thereafter hundreds of people, all dressed in white, start to line up outside the temporary shack erected to hold the gifts to Yemanjá. Inside the shack is where the `main gift' is kept, a statue made of either silver or bronze of the goddess admiring herself in a hand held mirror. Sitting by and guarding the statue are a few Baianas dressed in the traditional white dresses, head coverings and beaded necklaces. 

Around the statue are huge wicker baskets ready to accept the offerings either brought from home or bought from street vendors just outside. These gifts consist of either plastic necklaces, perfume bottles of Alfazema, white roses, soaps, mirrors. Yemanjá is believed to be very beautiful and she knows it; offerings to her reflect this vanity. Many people write notes to her, asking her to grant them a wish. These notes will also enter the baskets later to be dumped into the ocean for her acceptance. 

Adjacent to where the gifts are held there is a Candomblé ceremony, involving Mães de Santo (Candomblé priestess) dancing and chanting. The area is dark, but the white garments, lively dancing and drumming brighten up the room with gaiety and vibrance. The gift baskets, once full, are taken to an area where all the baskets are held until the time they will be loaded onto boats, usually around 4:00 pm. This area is colorful, sweet smelling with about fifty huge baskets all filled with roses, carnations, chrysanthemums, as well as miniature boats, plastic dolls, perfume bottles, and ribbons from the Church of Bonfim.

At around 4:00 pm, all gather around and wait to witness the yearly spectacle. The fishermen's boats are filled with the baskets. The main gift, the silver statue, arrives and passes everyone on her way to the shore. All stand in awe as the beauty of Yemanjá gleams in the sunlight and graces everyone with her magical presence. She will accompany the boats, will oversee the dumping of the baskets, but will return with the fishermen, for she must be present the following year. 

Once the boats leave, people party to live music on the streets until dawn. Salvador has once again pleased the ever-powerful Goddess. Legend has it that fishermen's wives would send offerings to Yemanjá to appease her so that she would return their husbands back to them, since once at sea, the fishermen were symbolically married to Yemanjá and belonged only to her.

Candomblé


Candomblé (Portuguese pronunciation: [kɐ̃dõˈblɛ]) is an African-originated or Afro-Brazilian religion, practised chiefly in Brazil by the "povo de santo" (people of saint). It originated in the cities of Salvador, the capital of Bahia and Cachoeira, at the time one of the main commercial crossroads for the distribution of products and slave trade to other parts of Bahia state in Brazil. Although Candomblé is practiced primarily in Brazil, it is also practiced in other countries in the Americas, including Uruguay, Argentina, Venezuela, Colombia, Panama and Mexico, and in Europe in Germany, Italy, Portugal and Spain. The religion is based in the anima (soul) of Nature, and is also known as Animism. It was developed in Brazil with the knowledge of African Priests that were enslaved and brought to Brazil, together with their mythology, their culture and language, between 1549 and 1888.
The rituals involve the possession of the initiated by Orishas, offerings and sacrifices of the mineral, vegetable and animal kingdom, healing, dancing/trance and percussion. Candomblé draws inspiration from a variety of people of the African Diaspora, but it mainly features aspects of Yoruba orisha veneration.

In many parts of the Latin America, Orishás are now conflated with Roman Catholic saints. This religion, like many African religions, is an oral tradition and therefore has not been put into text throughout the years. Only recently have scholars and people of this religion begun to write down their practices. The name Batuque is also used, especially before the 19th century when Candomblé became more common. Both words are believed to derive from a Bantu-family language, mainly that of (Kongo Kingdom).
Candomblé may be called Macumba in some regions, notably Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, although Macumba has a distinct set of practices more akin to European witchcraft. Candomblé can also be distinguished from Umbanda, a religion founded in the early 20th century by combining African elements with Kardecism; and from similar African-derived religions such as Quimbanda, Haitian Vodou, Cuban Santería, and Obeah, which developed independently of Candomblé and are virtually unknown in Brazil.
There are 2 million Candombles worldwid.


Candomblé is a polytheistic religion and worships a number of gods, derived from African deities:
These deities were created by a supreme God: Olodumare, Olorun etc. of the Yoruba, Zambi or Zambiapongo of the Bantu, and Nana Buluku of the Fon.

On the other hand, deities from one nation may be acculturated as "guests" in houses and ceremonies of another nation, besides those of the latter. Some nations assign new names to guest spirits, while some retain the names used in the nation of origin.

Syncretism

There is also an Islamic-linked sect within Candomblé which was more common during the slave days in Brazil. Slaves coming from West Africa had been acculturated with Muslim traditions. These Malês set aside Fridays as the day to worship deities as do the Muslims for prayer and meditation. Malês were the instigators of many slave revolts in Brazil leading in all white with amulets and skull caps as in traditional Islam.
In this regard, it is worth noting that some Candomblé rites have also incorporated local Native American gods — which, to the Church, were just as pagan as the Orixás — because they were seen as the "Orishas of the land". Finally, one should keep in mind that many (if not most) practitioners of Candomblé through the times had not only African roots but European ones as well.
Although syncretism still seems to be prevalent, in recent years the lessening of religious and racial prejudices has given rise to a "traditionalist" movement in Candomblé, that rejects the Christian elements and seeks to recreate a "pure" cult based exclusively in Africa.

Rituals

The Candomblé ritual (toque) has two parts: the preparation, attended only by priests and initiates, which may start a week in advance; and a festive public "mass" and banquet that starts in the late evening and ends around midnight.
In the first part, initiates and aides wash and iron the costumes for the ceremony, and decorate the house with paper flags and festoons, in the colors favored by the Orixas that are to be honored on that occasion. They also prepare food for the banquet. Some domestic animals are slaughtered; some parts reserved for sacrifice, the rest is prepared for the banquet. On the day of the ceremony, starting in the early morning, cowrie-shell divinations (jogo de búzios) are performed, and sacrifices are offered to the desired Orixás, and to the messenger spirit (Exú in Ketu).
In the public part of the ceremony, children-of-saint (mediunic priests) invoke and "incorporate" Orixás, falling into a trance-like state. After having fallen into trance, the priest-spirits perform dances symbolic of the Orixá's attributes, while the babalorixá or father of saint (leading male priest) leads songs that celebrate the spirit's deeds. The ceremony ends with a banquet.
Candomblé music, an essential part of the ritual, derives from African music and has had a strong influence in other popular (non-religious) Brazilian music styles. The word batuque, for instance, has entered the Brazilian vernacular as a synonym of "rhythmic percussion music".

Temples and priesthood

Candomblé temples are called houses (casas), plantations (roças), or yards (terreiros). Most Candomblé houses are small, independently owned and managed by the respective higher priests (father- or mother-of-saint). A few of the older and larger houses have a more institutional character and more formal hierarchy. There is no central administration. Inside the place of worship are the altars to the Orixás, or Pejis.
Candomblé priesthood is organized into symbolic families, whose members are not necessarily relatives in the common sense. Each family owns and manages one house. In most houses, especially the larger ones, the head of the family is always a woman, the mãe-de-santo, or ialorixá, mother-of-saint in Candomblé , seconded by the pais-de-santo, or babalorixá father-of-saint.The priests and priestesses may also be known as ialorixá, babalorixá , babalaos (interpreters of búzios), babas, babaloshas,and candomblezeiros. Some houses have a more flexible hierarchy which allows the father-of-saint to be the head priest. Often during the slave period, the women became the diviners and healers which was not part of African tradition; however, the male slaves were constantly working and did not have the time to take care of daily instances.
Admission to the priesthood and progression in the hierarchy is conditioned to approval by the Orixás, possession of the necessary qualities, learning the necessary knowledge, and performance of lengthy initiation rites, which last seven years or more. There are generally two types of priesthood in the different nations of Candomble, and they are made up of those who fall in trance by the Orixá (iyawo) and those who do not (Oga – male/Ekeji – female). It is important not to confuse the meaning and usage of the Yoruba term iyawò (bride in Yoruba) with other African derived religions that use the same term with different meanings.
The seclusion period for the initiation of an iyawo lasts generally 21 days in the Ketu nation and varies depending on the nation. The iyawo's role in the religion is assigned by a divination made by her/his babalorixá/ialorixá; one function that an iyawo can be assigned for is to take care of neophytes as they in their initiatic seclusion period, becoming an expert in all the Orisa foods, becoming an iya or babalorisa themselves, or knowing all ritual songs, etc... The iyawos follow a 7 years period of apprenticeship within which they offer periodical sacrifices in order to reinforce their initiatic links in the form of the so-called obligations of 1, 3 and 7 years. At the 7th year, the iyawos earn their title and can get a honorific title or religious post (oye in Yoruba). Once the iyawo has accomplished their 7th year cycle obligation, they become elders (egbon in Yoruba, egbomi in Brazil, which means my elder) within their religious family.
The other priesthood is reserved for those who do not fall in trance. Ogas and Ekejis do not endure the same path to eldership as do iyawos; they are regarded as elders immediately after their initiation. Their role is to help the baba/ialorixá in different specific ritual tasks like drumming, singing, cooking, taking care of the orixá shrines and when he/she comes down in possession trance, etc... Ogas and Ekejis usually do not go on to become baba/ialorixá, nor do they open their own temples or have filhos de santo (they do not initiate others)

CACHOEIRA, BAHIA, BRAZIL


History
Inicialmente uma região habitada por índios, foi a iniciativa de duas famílias portuguesas, os Dias Adorno e os Rodrigues Martins, que possibilitou sua elevação a Freguesia de Nossa Senhora do Rosário em 1674. Initially a region inhabited by Indians, was the initiative of two Portuguese families, the Adorno and Dias Rodrigues Martins, which has its elevation the Parish of Our Lady of the Rosary in 1674. Devido à sua localização estratégica, um entroncamento de importantes rotas que se dirigiam ao sertão, ao recôncavo, às minas gerais ou a Salvador , então capital da colônia, logo passou a se enriquecer e, em 1698, tornou-se Vila de Nossa Senhora do Rosário do Porto da Cachoeira do Paraguaçu - o nome se dá por se situar próxima às quedas d´água presentes na cabeceira do Rio Paraguaçu. Due to its strategic location, a junction of major routes that were addressed to the hinterland, the Recôncavo, the mines or the general Salvador, then capital of the colony, it soon became rich, and in 1698, became the Town of Our Lady of Rosário do Porto da Cachoeira in Paraguaçu - the name is through is next to waterfalls in the headwaters of the Rio Paraguaçu.

O desenvolvimento do cultivo de cana-de-açúcar, da mineração de ouro no Rio das Contas ea intensificação do tráfico pelas estradas reais e da navegação do Rio Paraguaçu colaboraram para o rápido desenvolvimento econômico da região a partir do século XVIII. The development of the cultivation of sugar cane, the mining of gold in Rio Accounts and intensification of traffic on roads and actual navigation of the Rio Paraguaçu contributed to the rapid economic development of the region from the eighteenth century. Já em inícios de 1800, a sociedade cachoeirense detém grande influência política e participa ativamente das guerras pela Independência da Bahia , em 1821, constituindo a Junta de Defesa. Already early in 1800, the company cachoeirense has great political influence and participate actively in the wars for independence of Bahia, in 1821, constituting the Board of Defense.


A vila foi elevada à categoria de cidade por decreto imperial de 13 de março de 1873 (Lei Provincial n° 43). The town was elevated to the rank of city by imperial decree of March 13, 1873 (Provincial Law No 43).

Cachoeira é considerada Monumento Nacional pelo Instituto do Patrimônio Histórico Artístico e Nacional (IPHAN). Cachoeira is considered a National Monument by the Institute of National Artistic and Historical Heritage (IPHAN).

Atrações turísticas Attractions

* Rio Paraguaçu * Rio Paraguaçu
* Vila de Belém de Cachoeira (distrito municipal, a 7km do centro de Cachoeira ) * Town of Bethlehem for Cachoeira (municipal district, 7km from the center of the waterfall)
* Capela Nossa Senhora da Penha * Our Lady of Penha Chapel
* Convento São Francisco do Paraguaçu * Convent of San Francisco Paraguaçu
* Imperial Ponte Dom Pedro II * Imperial Ponte Dom Pedro II
* Convento e Igreja Nossa Senhora do Carmo * Church and Convent Our Lady of Caramel
* Aniversário da cidade (13 de março). * Anniversary of the city (March 13).
* Semana Santa * Holy Week
* Festa do Divino (maio) * Feast of the Divine (May)
* São João/Feira do Porto (21 a 26 de junho) * St. John / Fair Harbor (21 to 26 June)
* Festa de Nossa Senhora da Boa Morte (1ª quinzena de agosto) * Feast of Our Lady of Good Death (1st half of August)
* Festa de São Cosme e Damião (27 de setembro) * Festa de São Cosme e Damião (September 27)
* Festa de Nossa Senhora do Rosário (1ª quinzena de outubro) * Feast of Our Lady of the Rosary (1st half of October)
* Festa de Nossa Senhora D'Ajuda (1ª quinzena de novembro) * Feast of Nossa Senhora D'Ajuda (1st half of November)
* Festa de Santa Cecília (2ª quinzena de novembro) * Feast of St. Cecilia (2nd half of November)
* Festa de Santa Bárbara (4 de dezembro) * Feast of Santa Barbara (December 4)

Fonte: Wikipédia Source: Wikipedia

Salvador Carnival

 
Is by far the biggest street party in the world. Every year, around 2 million people participate on the Salvador Carnival Parades. During six consecutive days, from 5pm to 5am, dozens of Bands make a parade along the streets, playing on big trucks (called Trios). Usually one or more Trios and Artists form a "Bloco".

There are two parade areas in the Salvador Carnival
- Barra/Ondina (by the Av. Oceânica)
- Campo Grande/Avenida (by the Av. Sete de Setembro)
Both areas of the Salvador Carnival have aproximately two kilometers. Every twenty minutes, a new Trio starts its parade either from the Farol da Barra or from the Campo Grande square.
There are three different ways to enjoy the Salvador Carnival:

Pipoca You can simply dance on the streets with the crowd for free, and usually called "Pipoca" (what means popcorn) a funny way to describe how a jumping crowd looks like when seeing from the distance.

Camarote You can watch the Salvador Carnival from a fix cabin, or tribune, called camarote, located along the avenues. They offer drinks, food and a dj dancing ambient. Tickets cost between one and five hundreds brazilian reais per day.

Abada You can dance on the Salvador Carnival inside a safety area sorrounding the Trio, protected by bodyguards and thus isolated from the crowd. To be accepted it is necessary to buy a pass (called "Abada"), a colorfull t-shirt that identify you as a member of the Trio/Bloco.

The price of these Salvador Carnival Abadas range between one and seven hundreds reais per day, depending on the artist playing at the Trio, and the time it makes the parade during the Salvador Carnival. The Abadas are exclusive for a Trio/Bloco.
Some Abadas include free drinks, and access to the bathrooms located inside the Trio. While wearing your t-shirt, you can jump in and out the safety area whenever you want.
With an Abada, you have much more space to move and dance in the Salvador Carnival. If you stay with the crowd, when the Trio passes in front of you, the Abada area, sorrounded by guards holding a rope, reduces the street area, so the crowd becomes a solid human mass, and sometimes moving is very difficult.
Getting on top of the Trios is just reserved for artist's friends and few lucky people. If you don't care about which Trio or artist to go with, you can buy cheaper abadas on the street, but if you don't speak portuguese be careful on what you buy.

Usefull recommendations for the Salvador Carnival:

Statistics have shown that Salvador Carnival is a very peaceful event, although there are a few number of incidents, most of them just rips-off.
Wear tenis shoes only, do not attend the carnival in sandals, since you might loose them and get your feet hurt. Do not use watches or jewelry during the Salvador Carnival.
If you want to bring your camera, put it in inside something you can wear, and buy an Abada. By being inside a protected area, you'll be free to take pictures with no hazard.
The traffic and transportation changes dramatically during the Salvador Carnival. So, staying on areas close to the Salvador Carnival Parades, as Barra, Ondina, Vitoria and Pelourino, is highly recommended.
Every year, the number of people attending the Salvador Carnival exceeds the vacancy on these areas. Therefore, booking a place with anticipation is recommended to get convenient rates.

If you wait until the last moment to book your place, you probably won't find a decent accomodation, or will end up paying more. Salvador Carnival accomodations are sold almost everywhere as a seven nights fix package. By staying less nights you will probably end up paying the full package price, so be careful when booking your flight.

Where Brazil was born: Salvador, Bahia.


Diga Brazil is excited to introduce you to the magical city of Salvador located just thirteen degrees below the equator along the beautiful Northeast coastline of Brazil.

Brazil's original capital city, Salvador is over 500 years old and is Brazil's cultural and historical center. Salvador is best known as host to Brazil's largest street party, Carnaval! Come dance with Brazil's hottest music groups as they parade along the oceanfront and in the Colonial style streets of the Old City. With its deep Afro-Brazilian roots, Brazil's third largest city is the cradle of the martial arts-dance, "capoeira" as well as the uniquely Afro-Brazilian religion, "condomble".

Located on the northeast coast of Brazil in a region of tropical rainforests, Salvador is historically known as ‘Sao Salvador da Baia de Todos os Santos‘ (or Holy Savior of All Saints Bay). As the third most populous Brazilian city, Salvador is known in Brazil for its cuisine, music and architecture. The metro area is one of the wealthiest in the north-eastern region of the country, and over 80% of the population has some Black African ancestry, making for a heady mix of cultures and traditions.

The local cuisine in Salvador reflects the African heritage of its inhabitants, and centres on spicy, seafood-based concoctions. Traditional dishes can be found everywhere, with some of the best flavours and deals coming from the local street vendors. Sample acaraje, a fried ball of black-eyed peas served with caruru, an okra, onion, shrimp, peanut and palm oil condiment. Don‘t miss the chance to sample any variety of moqueca (and there are many), a thick, fiery seafood stew.

Throughout Brazil, Salvador is known as much for the outgoing and friendly locals as it is for it's beautiful beaches. Salvadorians love to share their city with visitors, so be prepared to meet new friends.

While visiting Salvador you will experience a safe, fun, relaxing as well as culturally enriching vacation. Diga Brazil is proud to be your host. After visiting Salvador you will go home with more than just a tan!

Salvador Festivals

The popular festivals trace their origins back to the tradition of communities of paying tribute to their patron saints, expressing their gratitude for blessings obtained. During the event the requests for peace, good health and wealth are renewed.

The centuries old custom was inherited by the Portuguese and has been changed through the years. Originally the festival presented just people praying and chanting to their patron saints, but with time, stands selling drinks and food appeared, giving to the festival an entertainment characteristic. The songs are no longer strictly religious ones. On the streets can be heard the the typical capoeira and samba beats along with other rhythms.


These changes transported the festivals beyond the communities and churches’ largos into the streets. Nowadays they are registered by the curious eyes of tourists and by TV cameras from all over the world. They come to Salvador to appreciate these moments, which express so well the icons of the local culture such as Candomblé, Catholicism, gastronomy, dancing and music.

The festivals take place all through the year, without ever losing their enthusiasm. These guarantees a good time from January until December, for both the faithful and those who come only to visit. Salvador provides a million reasons for a good celebration and some of the best-known popular festivals are Bom Jesus dos Navegantes, Nosso Senhor do Bonfim, the Yemanjá festivity and Nossa Senhora da Conceição.


Salvador is a land of all saints and the people celebrate accordingly. It shines with a magical glow that invites every person from every corner of the earth to find out why Salvador has been named the Land of Happiness.
 

The history of the Irmandade da Boa Morte (Sisterhood of the Good Death)

AIYÊ ORUN


The history of the Irmandade da Boa Morte (Sisterhood of the Good Death), a religious confraternity devoted to the Assumption of the Virgin, is part of the history of mass importation of blacks from the African coast to the cane-growing Recôncavo region of Bahia. Iberian adventurers built beautiful towns in this area, one of them being Cachoeira, which was the second most important economic center in Bahia for three centuries. In a patriarchal society marked by racial and ethnic differences, the confraternity is made up exclusively of black women, which gives this Afro-Catholic manifestation - as some consider it - a certain fame. It is known both as an expression of Brazilian baroque Catholicism, with its distinctive street processions, and for its tendency to include in religious festivals profane rituals punctuated by a lot of samba and banqueting.

Besides the gender and race of the confraternity’s members, their status as former slaves and descendents of slaves is an important social characteristic without which it would be difficult to understand many aspects of the confraternity’s religious commitments. The former slaves have demonstrated enormous adroitness in worshipping in the religion of those in power without letting go of their ancestral beliefs, as well as in the ways they defend the interests of their followers and represent them socially and politically.

Remote Origins and an Ancient Struggle

During colonial times and after, when the country was independent but still lived under the regime of slavery, confraternities proliferated. For each profession, race and nation - because the African slaves and their descendents came from different places with different cultures - there was a separate irmandade. There were confraternities for the rich, poor, musicians, blacks, whites, etc. There were almost none for women and, in the male confraternities, women entered as dependents to ensure they would receive benefits from the corporation after the death of their husbands.

For the confraternity to operate, says historian João José Reis, a church had to welcome it and its statutes had to be approved by an ecclesiastical authority. Many confraternities built their own churches. This was the case of the Church of Rosário in Barroquinha, in Salvador. The Irmandade da Boa Morte maintained close contact with this church and its confraternity. Joint religious and social events became known to the followers of the candomblé Afro-Brazilian religion. Luiz Cláudio Nascimento, an historian from Cachoeira, says that the first liturgies of the black Irmandade da Boa Morte were held in the Church of the Third Order of Carmo, traditionally used by the local elites. Later the sisters moved to the Church of Santa Bárbara in the Santa Casa de Misericórdia hospital, where there are images of Our Lady of Glory and Our Lady of the Good Death. From there, they moved to the Church of Amparo, which was, unfortunately, demolished in 1946; middle class housing of doubtful taste has been built on the spot. They left that church for the Igreja Matriz, or parish church, and then went to the Church of Ajuda. No one really knows in what year the confraternity was founded. Odorico speculates that the organized devotion began in 1820 in the church inBarroquinha and that Gêges who moved from there to Cachoeira were responsible for organizing it. Others speak of that period too, but disagree about the nation of the pioneers, saying they were freed Ketus. It seems that the membership of the confraternity had a variety of ethnic origins and that they numbered more than a hundred in the first years.

Historically, the year 1820 makes sense. Since early in the nineteenth century, progress had been afoot in the Recôncavo and new agricultural and industrial techniques were introduced there. While the sugar economy was experiencing difficulties, tobacco gained new strength when it attracted the interest of German capital following the political independence of Brazil. The opening of motorized shipping lines strengthened the breeze of economic renewal, stimulating the integration of the Recôncavo with the provincial capital and increasing trade. This in turn encouraged the formation of strong links between black slaves in many cities, especially Salvador and Cachoeira.

Jeferson Bacelar notes that the 1820s, especially the first three years of the decade, were marked by a process of agitation and excitement among the people of Bahia, many of whom - regardless of social class - were involved in a struggle for Independence that was marked, here, by astrong anti-Portuguese spirit and armed skirmishes. The easing of tension between masters and slaves elicited by this momentary “unity” contributed to the permanent removal of blacks to the cities of the Recôncavo, where slaveowners were very interested in solving the conflict and, to defend their interests, armed the slaves and used them against the Portuguese. This exceptional state of affairs resulted in a large number of religious and civil initiatives by the slaves, among them, perhaps, the Irmandade da Boa Morte. Antônio Moraes Ribeiro’s research associates the confraternity’s emergence from the slave quarters with the abolitionist atmosphere after the brutally crushed revolt of Muslim slaves in Bahia in 1835. Perhaps that is the origin of the clearly Islamic touch to theconfraternity’s very beautiful traditional clothes. As Raul Lody notes,the costume’s impressiveness is heightened by the use of a turban. Antônio Moraes believes that one of the probable leaders of the Islamic Revolt, Luiza Mahim, was personally involved in the founding of the confraternity after her flight from Salvador to the Recôncavo.

Conjecture aside, these religious confraternities - like the secular ones such as the Society for the Protection of the Handicapped, a case studied by the anthropologist Julio Braga - did more than revere Catholic saints and the orixás, or Afro-Brazilian divinities, of their members. While they outwardly met ecclesiastical and legal requirements, they become exclusive guilds that worked behind the scenes for the interests of their members. As respected organizations of solidarity, they were at the same time living expressions of interethnicexchange and an ambiguous instrument of social control, whose participants were creative “managers”.

The confraternity always made its members contribute. One-off membership and annual fees, alms collected and other forms of income were used for a variety of purposes: purchases of freedom from slavery, festivals, religious obligations, payments for masses, charity, clothing. In the case of Boa Morte, whose members were relatively poor and almost all elderly - from 50 to 70 years old - the funds raised during members’ lifetimes were always meant to pay for a decent funeral, whose preparations, given the dual religious activities of its members, required both rigor and understanding, besides being a nest-egg for the burial.

Corporate Obligations and the August Commemoration

The historiography of these notable women from Cachoeira continues tochallenge the minds of young researchers. The secret rites linked to the worship of the orixás have still not been the object of an ethnographic interpretation that, of course, would have to respect the need to keep secrets that are so important to this religion. What has been studied is the appearance of the worship, which uses almost entirely Catholic symbols, appropriated by Afro-Brazilian religion. At the beginning of August, a long schedule of public events brings people from everywhere to Cachoeira, to what Moraes Ribeiro considers the most representative living document of Brazilian, baroque, Ibero-African religiosity. Suppers, parades, masses, processions, samba-de-roda (a traditional form of playing and dancing the samba in a circle) put the remaining thirty members of a confraternity that was once 200 strong in the center of events in this provincial city and, ultimately, in the main newspapers and news networks of the capital.

The festival’s calendar includes the confession of members in the parish church; a cortege representing the death of Our Lady; a vigil followed by a supper of bread, wines and seafood in obedience to religious customs forbidding the consumption of palm oil and meat on the day of Oxalá, the creator of the universe; and the burial procession of Our Lady of the Good Death, during which the sisters wear their cerimonial clothing.

The celebration of the Assumption of Our Lady of Glory by a mass in the mother church, followed by a procession, gives way to the contagious fun of the people of Cachoeira, which breaks out in full color, food, music and dancing over as many days as the donations and annual reserves allow.

Hierarchy and Worship

Like all Bahian confraternities,the Boa Morte has an internal hierarchy that administers the everyday devotions of its members. The leadership is made up of four sisters, responsible for organizing the public festival in August. They are replaced each year. At the top, in the most prominent position of the Irmandade da Boa Morte, is the Perpetual Judge, who is the eldest member. There follow the posts of Attorney General, Provider, Treasurer and Scribe; the first is at the head of religious and profane activities.


Novices must be attached to a candomblé center in the area - usually Gêge, Ketu or Nagô-Batá - and must profess religious syncretism. They go through an initiation that has a preparatory phase of three years, during which they are known as “sisters of the purse” and their vocation is tested. Once they are accepted, they can take positions of leadership and rise in the confraternity’s hierarchy every three years.

They all share the tasks of cooking, collecting funds, organizing cerimonial suppers, processions and the funerals of members according to religious precepts and unwritten statutory regulations. Elections are held each year. Votes are cast with grains of corn and beans; the former indicates a nay and the latter a favorable vote. As application of hierarchical differences and the rules regarding each position, all the sisters are on the same footing as servants of Our Lady. Besides being sisters in their devotion to her, they are sometimes sisters in candomblé and are almost always “relatives” - Africans and their descendents in Brazil broadened the concept of kinship to include all those who are of the same nation.

African ancestry is reworked within Bahian religious institutions an the lay confraternities end up serving this process of cultura intercourse. It is admirable how, as they celebrate death, these black women from Cachoeira have survived with such majesty and distinction. And most remarkable of all is how the belief system has absorbed the values of the dominant culture in a functional and creative way so that, in the name of life, complex processes of cultural appropriation take place. One example is the descent of Our Lady herself to the confraternity every seven years to direct the celebrations in person through the Attorney-General and celebrate among the living the relativity of death. Other examples are found in the symbols of clothing and food, where there is constant reference to the links between this world (Aiyê) and the other (Orun).

Devotion to the Good Death was just as common in colonial and imperial Brazil as the confraternities. It has always been a popular cult. In the Church of Our Lady of Rosário in Barroquinha it became stronger and more consistent. There was considerable Gêge-Nagô presence there and the celebrations described by writers like Silva Campos were similar to contemporary practices in Cachoeira. One of the most respected candomblé centers in Bahia originated there; founded in the 18th century, the Casa Branca center in Engenho Velho da Federação in Salvador has been the object of a brilliant study by Renato da Silveira.

This is a popular devotion with racial features, as the Irmandade gathered mainly black and mixed-race women. The roots of the devotion are in the Eastern Church, it was adopted by Rome in the 7th century and two centuries later the festival of the Assumption of Our Lady had spread throughout the Catholic world. Brought from Portugal to Brazil - where it was known as the festival of Our Lady of August - it acquired a unique interpretation with its own characteristics. For that reason, the cult has always caused conflict with church authorities. Its spread throughout the Bahian community is due, among other things, to the fact that the tradition of spiritual mediums in African religions has always relativized the problem of death, as disciples of candomblé believe in successive reincarnations. Candomblé lent elements of its belief system to a practice that was originally Catholic, as well as socio-historical components of the hard reality of slavery, of a captivity that made martyrs of those in the diaspora.

Veneration of Our Lady of the Good Death came to have social significance, as it allowed slaves to gather, maintain their religiosity in a hostile environment and shape a corporate instrument for defending and valuing of individuals. It became, for all of these reasons, an unrivalled means of celebrating life.

GUSTAVO FALCON

Professor at the Federal University of Bahia, researcher attached to the Center for Afro-Oriental Studies (CEAO)

Translation:
LIV SOVIK
Professor at the Federal University of Bahia

Brazil’s Untamed Heart

Far from glitzy Rio and São Paulo, the city of Salvador, in northeastern Brazil, is the country’s vibrant Afrocentric soul, a place of samba and Yoruban chants, caipirinhas and candomblé.

The bunda. In its female incarnation it is the soul, the moral sustenance, the very psychic infrastructure of Brazil. It is the subject of song, of innuendo, of contention and violence, of worship and delight. At a literary conference in workaday São Paulo, I brood about the future of the novel, the state of American publishing, and the rise of the made-up memoir, until a young man in a sparse goatee leans forward and whispers loudly and rhetorically: "Our women have nice bundas, yes?"

"Yes."

"Very large bundas…"

"Muh-huh."

All of the men breathe a sigh of relief. The state of American publishing—whatever. The visiting writer likes the bundas. He seems to smile and smack his lips. He is at one with the Brazilian experience.
A few days later, I head to Salvador, capital of the great black state of Bahia—the first colonial capital of Brazil and now a topsy-turvy modern city of more than 2 million. The statue that greets me by the city’s center is an innocuous-enough Modernist piece entitled Fountain of the Market Ramp. But no local would ever call it that. The fiberglass symbol of Salvador is known simply as "bunda." And it’s a bunda, all right. A great double-fisted one, lit up at night, with water spilling over it like sweat on a dance floor. Unlike many visitors, I did not come to Salvador, or Brazil in general, looking for gigantic asses. But here I am, drenched in the tropical heat, beneath this weighty, salacious object, and all I want to do is understand what this life is about, what makes these people—say, the old blue-skinned man carrying a sack of flour on his head while whistling a catchy forró tune—suffer and love. We have no wings, and yet we take to the air. We are not fish, and yet we snorkel. I have no discernible behind, and still I head for the Bahian dance floor if only to observe and learn something about the physical life, which I enjoy mostly in my dreams.

The samba place is called Fundo do Cravinho, which means "Back of O Cravinho." At the actual O Cravinho, which looks out on terreiro de Jesus, the main square of Salvador’s Old Town, one can get soaked to the gills by way of different types of cachaça, the national firewater, but in Fundo do Cravinho the drink of choice is ice-cold beer, tall dark bottles of it. In the front, dapper locals and the occasional over-soused foreigner trade conversation and clink caipirinhas; in the back it’s all bundas and beer and biology and gleaming white teeth. A month has passed since my trip to Brazil and I’m sitting in an overly tidy East Coast apartment looking out over a landscape of nothing. But in my ears some immovable, wordless melody from Fundo do Cravinho is fluttering about like an anxious bird. I can’t transcribe the beats, but the tinny ringing in the back of my mind sounds like tiri puh-piri, piri wiri; tiri puh-piri, piri wiri; uh, uh, uh, [very emphatically] uh.

And when I close my eyes, I see a hangar-like space, bad lighting, blue plastic chairs, moist green walls, and hip- hugging couples dancing with minute precision, as if their lives depended on it. I recall the bundas, more with awe than with lust, because in Salvador da Bahia, the ass is not an ass. It has legs and arms and a mouth; it spins and shimmies; it rotates counterclockwise, one cheek leading, the other accompanying. It does all this naturally, without bidding; it does this atop glistening black thighs, within cheap white shorts, sometimes below the quarter-moon of early pregnancy. The giant green tantan drum leads the way, and the ukulele-like cavaquinho strums to me things I cannot understand, except that the life cycle here is fluid and tragicomic, and that I am enchanted and curious but utterly assless in Brazil.

The city of Salvador juts out into the bay of all Saints, but the baia is just preliminary, for Salvador stretches clear across the Atlantic into the heart of Yoruba culture, into modern-day Nigeria, Benin, and Togo. The story of Salvador, indeed of the northeastern part of Brazil, is in large part the story of the transatlantic slave trade and its consequences. Pretty much everyone here is black. The food is bathed in palm oil, an African staple. The popular mode of prayer is candomblé, a fusion of Catholic rites and elaborate ceremonies centered on offerings. The result is a curious authenticity that diasporas often carry with them from one part of the world to another. When I wish to visit the Russia of my youth, I don’t take a plane to Moscow or St. Petersburg, cities that have changed completely since my salad days. I go to Brighton Beach, Brooklyn, where the year 1979 has been frozen in amber. Salvador, in its culture and religion, similarly casts a glance back at the Old World. When you’re watching a performance of capoeira Angola—a mixture of nonviolent martial arts, interactive ballet, and musical comedy—or biting into a fritter of black-eyed peas, Brazil can seem more African than Africa itself. And when you look at the restored colonial architecture, at the azure tiles in the beautiful convent of São Francisco depicting Lisbon before the earthquake of 1755, Salvador appears to the eye somehow more Portuguese than its old, tired parent across the sea.

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Bahia is the land of the drum


"There are certain countries, the names of which fire the popular imagination.  Brazil is one of them; an amalgam of primitive and sophisticated, jungle and elegance, beating drums and luscious jazz harmonics -- there's no other place like it in the world.  And while Rio, or its fame anyway, tends toward the elegant and sophisticated end of the spectrum, Bahia tends toward the other.  Bahia is the land of the drum..."

Bahia (Bah-EE-ah)... The very sound of the word exhales poetry, but this a fortuitous accident of the Portuguese language. Nominal aspiration apart, what might it be that makes Bahia so special to the point of being unique?

Beaches? Tropical splendor? This state in Northeastern Brazil has these in abundance. But so do many other places. What really sets Bahia apart is cultural, something derived from its people. And these people, at Bahia's inception (speaking of the the entity as we understand it today), denied the concrete means to project their culture, manifested it with what means they had at their disposal at the time...their hands, voices and bodies (and the rustic instruments they were able to cobble together). The reaction of the larger part of Bahia's population to their circumstances (they were enslaved; these people had had everything taken from them but their lives) was not to despair, it was to hold tenaciously onto their culture and to use this to propel themselves through life. Music and dance went beyond idle pleasures...these were the means to surmount and supersede, to instill value into life, to instill life into life. It is this which is Bahia's gift and legacy to Brazil, and to the world. This is what makes Bahian and Brazilian music, when it truly draws upon these sources, so special. And it is this kind of indomitable spirit that so much of the world, in such a sad state in so many ways, could use right now. In the face of implacable adversity... Viva! 

Sisterhood of the Good Death - Festa Irmandade da Boa Morte

Sisterhood of the Boa Morte (Good Death) is the oldest organization for women of African descent in the New World. The Boa Morte Sisterhood is a secret society of African-Brazilian women, all descendants of African slaves, who sponsor a procession each August that parades through the streets of the historical city of Cachoeira on the banks of the Paraguacu River. It is perhaps the most important festival in the African Heritage calendar in Bahia and is a living tribute of African culture and Diaspora to the New World. 
 
Irmandade de Boa Morte ( Sisterhood of the Good Death ) The history of the Irmandade da Boa Morte (Sisterhood of the Good Death), a religious confraternity devoted to the Assumption of the Virgin, is part of the history of mass importation of blacks from the African coast to the cane-growing Reconcavo region of Bahia. Iberian adventurers built beautiful towns in this area, one of them being Cachoeira, which was the second most important economic center in Bahia for three centuries. In a patriarchal society marked by racial and ethnic differences, the confraternity is made up exclusively of black women, which gives this Afro-Catholic manifestation - as some consider it - a significant role in the annals of African Diaspora history. Besides the gender and race of the confraternity's members, their status as former slaves and descendants of slaves is an important social characteristic without which it would be difficult to understand many aspects of the confraternity's religious commitments. The former slaves have demonstrated enormous adroitness in worshipping in the religion of those in power without letting go of their ancestral beliefs, as well as in the ways they defend the interests of their followers and represent them socially and politically


Cocoa Arrivals From Brazil’s Bahia Region Decline, Hartmann Says


By Luzi Ann Javier
 
Jan. 19 (Bloomberg) -- Cocoa arrivals from Bahia, Brazil’s biggest growing region, fell from a week earlier, in line with the seasonal decline seen in previous years, analyst Thomas Hartmann said.

Arrivals from Bahia totaled 20,038 bags in the week ended Jan. 16, Hartmann wrote in a report dated yesterday. That compares with 28,414 bags that he reported a week earlier. Total arrivals from Brazil were 32,541 bags, compared with 43,692 bags a week earlier. A bag weighs 60 kilograms (132 pounds).
B
ahia represents at least 70 percent of the country’s output, Hartmann said Sept. 2. He is a board member of the Commercial Association of Bahia and is in charge of the group’s statistical service on Brazilian cocoa output, according to an e-mail that day.
--Editors: Richard Dobson, Matthew Oakley.

To contact the reporter on this story: Luzi Ann Javier in Manila at ljavier@bloomberg.net
To contact the editor responsible for this story: James Poole in Singapore at jpoole4@bloomberg.net